SheksPEARE essays

SheksPEARE essays In Shakespeare's "A Midsummer Night's Dream" the mortal teenage characters fall in love foolishly, and the character Bottom states, "O what fools these mortals be". They are foolish because they act like children. Although Lysander, Hermia, Demetrius, and Helena appear grown-up, when they are in love they act foolishly. The four teenage lovers are fools. Demetrius is a fool because he is unaware that his love changes through out the play. At the start of the play Demetrius does not love Helena. (II ii,line 188) Demetrius says, "I love thee not, therefore pursue me not." (II ii,line 194) "Hence, get thee gone, and follow me no more." In III ii, Demetrius after being juiced begins to love Helena. (III ii,line 169-173) Demetrius says, "Lysander, keep thy Hermia; I will none. If e'er I loved her, all that love is gone. My heart to her but as guest- wise sojourned, And now to Helen is it home returned, There to remain." This proves he is a fool, because he is not aware of his changing love for Helena. Helena is a fool because Demetrius does not love her but she still persists in chasing him. Demetrius shows no love for Helena. (II i,line 227-228) Demetrius says, "I'll run from thee, and hide me in the brakes, And leave thee to the mercy of wild beasts." (II i,line 199-201) "Do I entice you? Do I speak you fair? Or rather do I not in plainest truth Tell you I do not, nor I cannot love you?" Demetrius clearly illustrates to Helena that he has no interest, but Helena persists. (II i,line 202-204) Helena says, "And even for that do I love you the more. I am your spaniel; and, Demetrius, The more you beat me, I will fawn on you." (II i,line 220-222) "Your virtue is my privilege. For that It is not night when I do see your face, Therefore I think I am not in the night;" This proves that Helena is a fool because Demetrius does not love her, but she still persists. Lysander is a fool because he persuades Hermia to avoid death and run away wit...

Cómo recuperar la ciudadanía americana

Cà ³mo recuperar la ciudadanà ­a americana Es posible que una persona que en el pasado fue ciudadano de los Estados Unidos y perdià ³ esa condicià ³n puede recuperar la ciudadanà ­a, siempre y cuando se cumplan los requisitos que pide la ley. Es cierto que en la actualidad, y con las leyes que hoy aplican, es muy difà ­cil que un ciudadano de los Estados Unidos pierda su nacionalidad, excepto en los casos de hechos gravà ­simos en contra del paà ­s o cuando una persona asà ­ se desea expresamente. Sin embargo, hasta hace poco, era  un hecho no infrecuente. En este artà ­culo se informa quià ©nes perdà ­an segà ºn las leyes antiguas y pierden segà ºn las actuales la ciudadanà ­a de forma involuntaria y quià ©nes pueden recuperarla, quà © requisitos deben cumplir y quà © trmites deben seguir. Casos en los que antes se poda perder la nacionalidad de EEUU involuntariamente Hace aà ±os, las leyes que regulaban la nacionalidad americana eran distintas de las actuales y,  bajo la legislacià ³n que aplicaba en el pasado, un buen nà ºmero de ciudadanos perdieron la ciudadanà ­a sin que esa fuese su voluntad, simplemente porque asà ­ era la ley. Por ejemplo, y en primer lugar, las personas nacidas fuera de Estados Unidos entre 1934 y 1978 y que adquirà ­an la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense porque uno de sus padres tenà ­a dicha nacionalidad, podà ­an perderla si no se mudaban a Estados Unidos y tenà ­an presencia fà ­sica en este paà ­s por un nà ºmero de aà ±os. Es lo que se conocà ­a como el requisito de retencià ³n.   Asimismo, en segundo lugar, en el pasado y antes de que Estados Unidos reconociese la doble nacionalidad  se castigaba con la pà ©rdida de la ciudadanà ­a a los estadounidenses que adquirà ­an otra nacionalidad. Incluso aà ºn despuà ©s de admitirla, surgà ­an problemas para los americanos que vivà ­an en un paà ­s del que tambià ©n eran nacionales que prohibà ­a la doble nacionalidad y exigà ­a, en algà ºn momento, la renuncia al pasaporte americano para poder conservar el del paà ­s en el que vivà ­an. Incluso algunos paà ­ses exigà ­an prestar unos juramentos de lealtad, que las oficinas consulares americanas consideraban que eran una renuncia a la ciudadanà ­a de los Estados Unidos. En tercer lugar, otro caso en los que la ley preveà ­a la pà ©rdida de nacionalidad se daba cuando con anterioridad a septiembre de 1922 un estadounidense que residà ­a fuera de EE.UU se casaban con un extranjero. En cuarto lugar, otro ejemplo de pà ©rdida de nacionalidad involuntaria era el de las personas que adquirà ­an la nacionalidad mediante naturalizacià ³n y la perdà ­an si no continuaban residiendo dentro de los Estados Unidos. Sin embargo, tener en cuenta que esto ya no sucede ahora. Por à ºltimo, y en quinto lugar, un caso distinto pero relacionado con este tema es el hecho de que con anterioridad a 1934 los nià ±os nacidos en otro paà ­s sà ³lo podà ­an adquirir la ciudadanà ­a americana por parte paterna. Es decir, los nià ±os nacidos fuera de Estados Unidos que eran hijos de mujer estadounidense y padre extranjero no recibà ­an la ciudadanà ­a. Se puede recuperar la nacionalidad estadounidense? En primer lugar destacar que cuando la ciudadanà ­a se pierde de un modo voluntario es para siempre. No hay vuelta atrs, asà ­ que antes de dar el paso es conveniente pensarlo mucho e incluso consultarlo con un abogado de inmigracià ³n. Los casos ms comunes son los de renuncia para no pagar impuestos. En lo que respecta a los casos de pà ©rdida involuntaria, la respuesta depende del caso. En algunos casos no es posible recuperar la ciudadanà ­a de los Estados Unidos, mientras que en otros sà ­. Y es que la Ley de Correcciones Tà ©cnicas de Inmigracià ³n y Naturalizacià ³n que se aprobà ³ en 1994 y que se conoce por sus siglas en inglà ©s de INTCA abrià ³ el camino a posibles recuperaciones en casos especà ­ficos. Por ejemplo, por aplicacià ³n de esta ley se reconoce la ciudadanà ­a americana a las personas nacidas fuera de los Estados Unidos con anterioridad al 24 de mayo de 1934 que tenà ­an un   padre extranjero pero madre ciudadana cuando à ©sta cumplà ­a el requisito de aà ±os vividos en EU antes del nacimiento del hijo o hija, al que ahora por aplicacià ³n de INTCA se le reconoce su condicià ³n de estadounidense. Adems, se establece un camino para la recuperacià ³n de la nacionalidad para todas aquellas personas nacidas fuera de EU entre 1934 y 1978 y que la habà ­an adquirido al nacer porque uno de sus padres eran estadounidenses pero ms tarde la perdieron por no cumplir el requisito para retenerla de presencia fà ­sica en los Estados Unidos. La forma a seguir, por aplicacià ³n de la seccià ³n 324 (d) de la Ley de Inmigracià ³n y Ciudadanà ­a (INA) es hablar con el consulado o embajada de los Estados Unidos ms cercano al lugar de residencia y solicitar prestar el juramento de lealtad al paà ­s. Lo que se conoce en inglà ©s como el oath of allegiance. Y con esto es suficiente para recuperar la ciudadanà ­a. A mayores, aunque no es necesario sà ­ que es conveniente solicitar un Certificado de Ciudadanà ­a (formulario N-600) para poder probarla y tambià ©n para pedir algunos de los posibles beneficios como, por ejemplo, el pasaporte. Asimismo, desde 2002 podrà ­an recuperar la nacionalidad estadounidense las personas que la perdieron con anterioridad al 22 de septiembre de 1922 por haberse casado con un extranjero y residir fuera de los Estados Unidos. Y tambià ©n los que con posterioridad a dicha fecha la perdieron por contraer matrimonio con un extranjero considerado como inelegible para la ciudadanà ­a.   En estos dos à ºltimos casos del prrafo anterior,   la recuperacià ³n se hace mediante un trmite de naturalizacià ³n. Hay que cumplir con requisitos adicionales y en algunos casos incluso no es necesario. Por sus particularidades, las personas en estos casos de pà ©rdida de nacionalidad por cuestià ³n de matrimonio deberà ­an asesorarse con un abogado sobre el procedimiento a seguir. En los dems casos en los que se ha dejado de ser americano involuntariamente se pueden escribir una carta muy detallada con especificaciones de su caso y pidiendo recuperar la ciudadanà ­a. Incluir entre otros datos el nombre completo, la fecha y lugar de nacimiento, telà ©fonos de contacto, las razones por las que se pierde la ciudadanà ­a y tambià ©n cul era la intencià ³n hacia dicha ciudadanà ­a en el momento en que se produce la pà ©rdida. Enviar la informacià ³n a: U.S. Department of StateOffice of Leal Affairs (CA/OCS/L)600 19th  Street, N.W.- 10th  Floor600 19th Street, NWWashington, D.C. 20431 Si se utiliza servicio de correo exprà ©s. Por el contrario, si se utiliza correo ordinario la direccià ³n es la siguiente: U. S. Department of StateDirectorOffice of Legal Affairs (CA/OCS/L)Overseas Citizens ServicesU.S. Department of StateSA-17, 10th FloorWashington, D.C. 20522-1707 Tambià ©n se puede contactar por correo electrà ³nico, telà ©fono o fax: Tel: 202-736-9110Fax: 202-736-9111Email:  ASKPRIstate.gov Corresponde al gobierno decidir si concede o no la peticià ³n para que una persona recupere la ciudadanà ­a y lo har teniendo en cuenta los mà ©ritos particulares de cada caso. Es conveniente saber que el proceso puede demorarse varios meses antes de tener una respuesta. Lo habitual es una demora entre 4 y 6 meses. Por à ºltimo, si la peticià ³n es concedida la persona tendr que jurar lealtad a los Estados Unidos  y sà ³lo a partir de entonces volver a gozar de los derechos de ser americano como, por ejemplo, votar en las elecciones, ser elegido representante, viajar con pasaporte de ese paà ­s, tener acceso a ayudas sociales reservadas para ciudadanos y pedir los papeles para familiares. Aclaraciones, derechos y obligaciones a tener en cuenta Por lo tanto, los hijos que se tuvieron en el tiempo en el que una persona perdià ³ la ciudadanà ­a y antes de recuperarla no obtienen automticamente ningà ºn beneficio, en otras palabras, no se convierten ni en ciudadanos ni residentes permanentes. Sin embargo, si se cumplen los requisitos, la persona que fue ciudadana, perdià ³ la ciudadanà ­a y posteriormente la recuperà ³, podrà ­a iniciar los trmites para pedir la green card para esos hijos y otros familiares  en el momento en que recupera la ciudadanà ­a.   Asimismo, tener en todo momento presente que la ciudadanà ­a americana brinda derechos, lo cierto es que tambià ©n lleva aparejada obligaciones, incluso para las personas que residen habitualmente o siempre fuera de los Estados Unidos. Respecto a esos à ºltimos, siguen obligados  pago de impuestos  y, en el caso de varones, es aconsejable familiarizarse con el Servicio Selectivo, ya que es necesario registrarse. Este artà ­culo es meramente informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal.

Strategic Management - Strategic Audit Format Essay

Strategic Management - Strategic Audit Format - Essay Example In other words, the computing sector is infinitely dependent on industrial growth. However, a contradiction arises as resources are not infinite in nature. There are also several sustainability issues which have always been a challenge for this industry. 3. Scarcity of fossil fuel: The computer industry relies on low-priced energy. Cheap energy sources generally come from fossil fuel. The scarcity of fossil fuel has always been a concern for the industry as availability of energy sources to power devices at reasonable price is vital. 4. Environmental Issues: The computer industry is one of the main reasons for the growing pollution in the developing nations. A huge amount of waste is generated and there have been challenges associated with the recycling and reduction of waste. Manufacturing of computers also involve the use of hazardous chemicals like lead and mercury which pollutes the environment. 1. Maintenance of confidentiality – Protection of privacy of the users has to be ensured by the computer industry. This is a major challenge for this industry as, with the increased linkages between network connections, it is important that computers are supported with tools that help to maintain privacy of the users. There are threats that arise from virus and malevolent software. Increased use of the internet has aggravated such threats. The industry needs to give protection against malwares which pose a threat during the use of confidential information over the net. 2. Technically support the customers – The computer industry not only needs to concentrate on manufacturing of computer hardware but also needs to ensure that all further technical difficulties faced by the customers are looked into and proper solutions are provided. There has to be a continuous link with the customers so that support and assistance can be provided at odd hours. This is a major challenge for the computer industry. 3.

Alex Prager Art Works Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Alex Prager Art Works - Essay Example Flavien Demarigny, a resident of Los Angele commonly known by the natives as Mambo is an artist who rose to fame through self-determination and commitment. In his work as an artist, before becoming to the limelight. The Australian brand has hit 30th birthday and is one of the most famous brands in the nation and abroad. Its originality places it at a better position to recognition as a distinct brand. The banded t-shirts also contributed immensely to its preference. Through various art works, Mambo succeeded in dealing with racial preference as well as commercialism. This he achieved by incorporating fun facts into the various works. In the latest work, dubbed 30 years off the shelf- indulgence, ideologies that make the brand stand out are well incorporated. Mambo, as a brand encompasses various sectors including fashion, general art, and design. Mambo combines the use of music and humor to make it the preferred brand in Australian artistry. The target audience by the artist is the a verage Australian and other citizens outside the Australian borders. Politically, Mambo helped to reduce the oppression in the 1980s in Australia through use comments done by its artists. Invitation by New South Wales Art Gallery was a boost to the label in the political arena. The Gallery exposed Mambo internationally enabling the label recognition by the state. Consequently, the state gave Mambo the mandate to design uniforms for its athletes. In Australia today, Mambo is a recognized brand that stands out from other designer brands.

Zimbabwe’s Present (Post Z$) Economic Recovery Programmes Essay Example for Free

Zimbabwe’s Present (Post Z$) Economic Recovery Programmes Essay Introduction The beginning of 2009 marked the end of over a decade of economic decline in Zimbabwe. The economic indicators decline cut across all key sectors, despite Zimbabwe’s rich resource endowment. Inflation, initially at 100 percent annually between 2001 and 2006, increased to over 1500 percent (McIndoe, 2009). According to IMF estimates, real GDP growth recorded a cumulative contraction of 48% (nearly 5% per year) between 2000 and 2009. Agriculture value added contracted by 86% during the period 2002-2008. Gross national income per capita in 2008 was estimated to be US$360 (compared to sub-Saharan Africa average of US$1,428), making it one of the poorest countries in the world (African Development Bank, 2010). The poverty rate which was already on an increase since 1995 (42 percent) was recorded at 63 percent in 2003 and was estimated to be over 70 percent in 2010 (African Development Bank Group, 2011). According to the economic policy reform proposals announced by the coalition government formed in February 2009, other symptoms of the economic crises as negative GDP growth rates, low productivity capacity, loss of jobs in the formal sector, food shortages, massive deindustrialization and general despondency (STERP, 2009). This paper uses ‘developmental state theory’ as a basis of assessing economic reform policies proposed and currently being implemented by the Zimbabwe’s coalition government after the demise of the Zimbabwe dollar (Z$) in 2009. The paper considers STERP in March 2009, Medium Term Plan (MTP) in July 2010, and the Three Year Macro-economic Policy and Budget Framework 2010-2012 (STERP II) in the context of this economic theory with a view to assessing the extent to which they bring Zimbabwe closer to the key elements of a develop-mental state. This is taken from the premise on which these policies are anchored. For example, the sixth point in STERP says: â€Å"STERP is an emergency short term stabilization program, whose key goals are to stabilize the macro and micro-economy, recover the levels of savings, investment and growth, and lay the basis of a more transformative mid-term to long-term economic program that will turn Zimbabwe into a progressive developmental State,† STERP, 2009: point no. 6) The paper begins with a summary of the key elements of the economic reform proposals. It then looks at the key elements of a developmental state after which it assesses the extent to which Zimbabwe’s key reform proposals would enable it to meet the minimal requirements of a develop-mental state. The paper concludes by offering an assessment of the chances of success for the economic reform measures. Key elements of Zimbabwe’s economic reform measures All reform programs are anchored on economic stabilization, increasing productivity and turning Zimbabwe into a developmental state. In the key policy pronouncements announced in STERP (February 2009) and the Medium Term Plan, Government of Zimbabwe (GoZ) had two principal objectives. First, it set out to use domestic savings and foreign finance to carry out public investment projects and to mobilize and channel scarce resources into areas that can be expected to make the greatest contribution towards the realization of long term economic objectives. These include measures â€Å"to stabilize the macro and micro-economy, recover the levels of savings, investment and growth, and lay the basis for transformation from mid-term to long-term economic programs that will result in economic growth and reduction of poverty levels. In so doing, the reform programs, as espoused in article 3 of the September 2008 Global Political Agreement (GPA) seek to address the key issues of economic stabilization and national healing, whilst at the same time laying the foundation of a more comprehensive and developmental economic framework. The second is to ensure that economic policy (e.g. taxation, industrial licensing, the setting of tariffs and the manipulation of wages, interest rates and prices) stimulates direct and in some cases control private economic activity to ensure harmonious relationship between the desires of private business operators and the social objectives of government policy. Some of the key features of the policies include the adoption of a cash budgeting system; use of multiple currencies as legal tender and adoption of the rand as a reference currency; and the dismantling of foreign currency controls among other measures. Theoretical framework A starting point in exploring the theory of a developmental state is the ‘developmental state’ literature that gained currency following the phenomenal economic performance of the East Asian countries in the 1970s. Meredith Woo-Cumings (1999: 1) describes the theory of develop-mental state as the explanation for the East Asian industrialization. This theorizing represents one of the first attempts to integrate government and private sector decision making. Earlier theorists such as Downs (1957) had noted a trend in economic theorizing which treated government action as an exogenous variable determined by political considerations that lie outside the purview of economics. The earlier view represented a carryover from the classical premise that saw the business as a self regulating mechanism. Any government action beyond maintenance of law and order was seen as undesirable interference. Edigheji (2005) has analyzed a number of variations of the literature on the developmental state and notes two strands of theorizing. The first set of theories focus exclusively on the developmental goals of the state (e.g. Castells, 1992). These theories argue that state is developmental when it establishes as its principle of legitimacy its ability to promote and sustain development (understood as the combination of steady and high rates of economic growth and structural change in the productive system) both domestically and in its relationship with the international economy. Thus a developmental state is seen as one which is able and willing to create and sustain a policy climate that promotes development by fostering productive investment, exports, growth and human welfare (Ponk, in Edigheji, 2005). The second strand of theorizing looks beyond the objectives to focus on the institutional characteristics of the state and draws attention to the ideological character of the development state. Mkandawire (2001) has referred to this as the ‘state-structure nexus’ that enable the state to be able to achieve growth and development while others cannot. A premium thus has to be placed on the institutional/organizational configurations of the developmental state. This is primarily because what sets a developmental state apart from others is that not only is it able to clearly set its development objectives; it also establishes institutional structures in order to achieve the objectives. Locating the role of the state In this paper, a developmental state is defined by its objectives and its institutional characteristics. It is â€Å"one whose ideological underpinnings are developmental and one that seriously attempts to construct and deploy both administrative and political resources to the task of economic development† (Mkandawire, 2001:296). The role of the state needs to be clarified given the contradictory nature of the literature on the East Asian cases. Earlier theorizing initially conceived a developmental state in terms of the state imposing its will over society and suppressing civil society. Thus they argued that the developmental state paid no heed to the democratic aspect of the developmental state. This is partly because some scholars regarded the repressive nature of the state as one of the factors that enhanced its developmental capacity. For some scholars, the â€Å"soft authoritarian character† of the state was the source of its autonomy which spurred growth (e.g. Johnson, 1982, Wade, 1990). This is because a developmental state has existed in authoritarian Korea and Taiwan as well as in democratic Japan. In fact, Japan was the first East Asian state to be considered a developmental state (Bolesta, 2007:107). Despite the nature of government, in a ‘true developmental state, the bureaucratic rulers possess a particular kind of legitimacy that allows them to be much more experimental and undoctrinaire (accommodative of new ideas) than in the typical authoritarian regime’ (Johnson 1999: 52). However, Leftwich (1995: 405) has identified six major components that define the developmental state model. These are a determined developmental elite; relative autonomy; a powerful, competent and insulated bureaucracy; a weak and subordinated civil society; the effective management of non-state economic interests; and legitimacy and performance. The characterization of the democratic elements in Leftwich’s model closely mirrors the situation in Zimbabwe prior to 2009 and may not be helpful looking forward. Zimbabwe had an increasingly authoritarian governance style since the late 90s (Sachikonye, 2002) yet its economic policies saw a continuing decline in key economic indicators. In analyzing the economic reforms policies in Zimbabwe this paper therefore draws more from theories that have stressed the cooperative dynamism of the developmental state. For example, following a detailed analysis of the state’s relationship with business, Linda Weiss (1998: 258) came up with the concept of â€Å"governed interdependence† where she conceptualized that there are collaborative relationships between government and business in pursuit of transformative projects. She noted: â€Å"In this relationship, each party retains its independence, while government remains the ultimate arbiter of the rules and goals of interaction in which information is exchanged, resources are pooled and tasks shared,† (Weiss, 1998: 258). Zimbabwe’s neighbour, Botswana, is an illustration of a state that has pursued certain policies in the construction of what might be regarded as a â€Å"developmental state† i.e. a state that pursues policies that co-ordinates investment plans; has a national development vision- implying that the state is an entrepreneurial agent that engages in institution-building to promote growth and development; and†¦plays a role in domestic conflict management (Chang, 1999: 192-199). Assessment of Zim’s post Z$ economic reform policies The economic reform policy measures are assessed in relation to how the enhance Zimbabwe’s progress towards the attainment of ‘developmental state’ status. It is necessary to point at the onset that the key policy reform measures announced by the GoZ have been formulated and are being carried out within the framework of a mixed economy i.e. some of the productive resources are privately owned and operated while some are controlled by the public sector. As Todaro and Smith (2010) have noted, the mere existence of such an institutional setup means that neither the private nor the public sector can be considered in isolation from each other. This acknowledgement of the interdependent role of the state and business is one of the few positive outcomes (discussed later) of the reform measures. However, a number of factors in the policy measures do not meet the minimal elements required for the country to attain development state status. These include the lack of a clearly and coordinated role of State institutions and weak premises for global re-engagement, both of which are critical for the success of the economic reform measures. Unclear role of the State According to the MTP (2010), the policy measures seek to â€Å"establish a platform for Zimbabwe to emerge as a vibrant Private Sector driven economy that is growing and transforming from a producer of primary products to a producer of diversified manufactured quality products laying the foundation of a competitive global player.† The State will thus â€Å"provide a conductive policy environment that will ignite Private Sector initiatives, entrepreneurship as well as promote a saving and investment culture.† This statement sounds noble but there is nothing that has been said about coordinating the role of the many state players in the economic reform measures. The Ministry of Economic Planning is coordinating 13 sectors in a framework that in reality has shown to be independent of the other key ministries such as the Youth, Indigenization and Empowerment ministry, the Mines Ministry and the Local government ministries, to cite but a few. The country’s indigenization policy, supervised by the youth ministry, has been viewed as a threat to foreign investment in the nation. Whilst government has made assertions about the enforcement of the Act, several transactions have been concluded which show inconsistency in policy implementation. A case in point is government ‘sale of above 50% of its shareholding in Ziscosteel to Essar Energy in Mauritius in 2010 despite the conditions of the Act, which state that 51% of all businesses must be indigenously owned. (IH Securities, 2011) Exacerbating this lack of coordination is the past record of State regulation which has in the past failed to facilitating a conducive environment for business by sections of the previous government. This has the effect of promoting rent-seeking behaviours and corruption in both government and the private sector. International financial institutions have noted this as a hindrance to the success of the economic reform measures. For example, in statement at the Conclusion of the 2011 Article IV Consultation Mission to Zimbabwe (IMF, 2011) the IMF noted that while â€Å"stronger policies, a favorable external environment, and sizeable off-budget donor grants supported a nascent economic recovery and a notable improvement in the humanitarian situation during 2009-10,† the â€Å"macroeconomic outlook for 2011 remains highly uncertain,† (IMF, 2011). The IMF cites among other things, an inefficient composition of public expenditure, persistent financial sector vulnerabilities, and weaknesses in the business climate, including the recently announced fast track indigenization of the mining sector. The State, which prior to the coalition government had become an arena for private capital accumulation, cannot extricate itself from excessive private sector regulation which has, in some cases, resulted in the violation of private property rights. A recent example of these excesses is the recent case that will be heard in the International Court in Paris. The case involves the GoZ and South Africa based Amari Platinum following the former’s cancellation of joint mining ventures in 2010. The South African company had invested over $35 million into the project where it partnered the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation. According to media reports, the company is demanding compensation of $200 million, (Sunday Times, October 9th 2011). Autonomy, which is a crucial element that supports growth in a developmental state, means the ability of the state to behave as a coherent collective actor capable of identifying and implementing developmental goals (Edigheji, 2005).There is therefore need for structural reforms. These would include alignment of indigenization and empowerment objectives with respect for private property rights and the need to attract domestic and foreign investment. While these recommendations appear individually, they point to the failure by the reform policies to clearly spell out the role of the State in the economic reform process. Crucially, and related to the role of the State, is the fact that there has not been any systematic attempt to elaborate the concept of the developmental state in Zimbabwe. Besides passing reference in the objectives of all plans, government has not specified the sources of its capacity, other than regular lamentation about the need to build the skills capacities of the public sector. Thus crucial institutional elements that would enable the developmental state to act in a coherent fashion and, on that basis, successfully engage with its social partners have been either taken for granted at best or ignored at worst. Weak to zero premises for global re-integration The policy measures recognize the level of debt currently besetting the country and its impact on badly needed financial inflows, yet it is not clear how this debt will be cleared. According to the MTP: â€Å"the success story that Zimbabwe is becoming will in itself unlock other sources of funds. The few investments funds already in the country will soon become a multitude. Investors like a place where a dollar can be made and Zimbabwe provides such an opportunity.† This in itself sounds like a work of faith. Whilst trust plays a crucial role in policy implementation, the assumption that only success can unlock lines of credit and provides a stimulus for the productive sector is not based on evidence. The huge debt which will result in high future taxes if the country’s major sectors of the economy do not increase their operating capacity against a background of inadequate foreign aid. It could be that it is a carrot in the stick for those elements of government that are likely to derail reforms, yet experience in the past has shown that it is not success that drives politicians, but the ability to create and generate enough wealth prior to the next elections. Reducing poverty under such policies becomes a farfetched dream that will not be recognized. There is need to strengthen internal revenue generation and collection in areas such as tourism, agriculture and mining to finance internal and external debt while also providing resources f or the productive sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing. Alternatively, the country could attain Highly Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) status to enable international debt relief. The experience of Zambia shows that total external debt reduced significantly by 8.9 percent from US$7.12 billion in 2001 to US$6.49 billion in 2002 as a result of the HIPC Initiative (Zulu, 2003). HIPC status could be tied in with the strengthening of open trade policies. Despite being a signatory to numerous trade pacts, Zimbabwe has maintained numerous import controls as reflected by the high tariffs relative to other countries in the region (Hurungo, 2010). The country’s reluctance to reduce tariffs is due to its over reliance on the revenue generated (Biti, 2010) Economic literature on the relationship between restrictive or open trade policies and economic progress has been inconclusive. Multilateral institutions such as the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) regularly promulgate advice predicated on the belief that openness gener ates predictable and positive consequences for growth. According to the IMF, for instance, â€Å"policies toward foreign trade are among the more important factors promoting economic growth and convergence in developing countries,† (IMF, 1997:84). This view is supported by a vast array of literature on trade. For example, Stiglitz (1998:36) noted that â€Å"most specifications of empirical growth regressions find that some indicators of external openness- whether trade ratios or indices or price distortions or average tariff level- is strongly association with per-capita income growth.† Others have made similar observations noting that â€Å"integration into the world economy is the best way for countries to grow,† (Fischer, 2000). Thus Zimbabwe’s strategic reintegration with traditional trade partners could spur growth if value addition is considered for some export products. History has shown that there is no positive relationship between exports and growth in Zimbabwe. For much of the period when Zimbabwe experienced negative growth rates (between 1997 and 2009), it experienced a trade surplus with South Africa, the European Union and the United States (ZimTrade, 2009). Such trade surpluses need to be tapped into in a new economic and political environment fostered by the coalition government so as to spur economic growth and equity. However, there is no acknowledgement of these facts. Stabilization as a success story It should be noted that a significant proportion of the policy measures have had a positive effect- which has resulted in economic stabilization. The adoption of multiple (excluding the Zimbabwe dollar) had the immediate impact of eliminating hyperinflation. Annual inflation declined from an official figure of 231 million in July 2008 to 0.5 percent in December 2009 and 3.5 percent in July 2011, according to the Central Statistical Office (CSO). According to the IMF (April 2011), the Governing Board of the RBZ (which was appointed in May 2010) has achieved a significant improvement in central bank governance, reporting, and organizational restructuring although further steps are needed to accelerate financial restructuring of the financially-distressed RBZ. There was also a significant improvement in product availability in retail and wholesale outlets, with capacity utilization having markedly improved which also witnessed an improvement in the performance of the overall economy. For instance, in 2009 the economy was estimated to have grown by 5.7 percent and the average for SADC was 2.4 percent and 2 percent for Sub-Saharan Africa. While this stabilization, within the theoretical framework of the developmental state, can be seen as progress, it is easy to see that the economic decline had hit rock bottom and the desire is to bring levels of productivity to 2000 levels. The World Bank has estimated that it will take another decade with a growth rate of 10 percent per annum to bring rates to 2000 levels. In June, the IMF said Zimbabwean growth is set to slow sharply in 2011and the countrys recovery from a decade-long deep economic contraction remained fragile (IMF, 2011). An IMF review of Zimbabwes economy projected that economic growth would drop to 5.5 percent in 2011 from 9.0 percent in 2010. It said the country was in debt distress with a large unsustainable external debt stock of 118 percent of gross domestic product as of the end of 2010, the bulk of which was in arrears. Conclusion This paper has provided a framework for understanding Zimbabwe’s economic reform policies within the framework of a developmental state. Though not exhaustive, the developmental state has been defined based on its institutional attributes of being autonomous and coherent. In addition, the developmental state is one that forges broad-based alliances with society and ensures popular participation in the governance and transformation processes. Elements of the Washington Consensus and other classical economic theory have been brought to bear on previous economic reform programs and there is evidence that these continue in current reform policies. The classical theories do not take into account the unique circumstances of a country, especially the different types of government. In spite of the type of government, a developmental state is guided by the goals of coherence and authoritative governance, accountability, inclusiveness, stability, ability to generate consensus and popular participation- none of which are visible in Zimbabwe’s political and economic outlook. Much of the work towards the attainment of a developmental state hinge on Zimbabwe providing and implementing a clear definition of the role of the key players- the state, private sector and civil society- in the proposed economic reform measures. Other measures include forging a clear partnerships with local and international players- with parameters of engagement with the latter based on realistic economic policy measures as well as an engagement path that takes into consideration Zimbabwe’s trade surplus with the major international economic blocks such as the European Union, SADC and the United States. Without this, as seen in current reform policies the chances of success of the reform measures are limited. References African Development Bank Group, 2011, Infrastructure and Growth in Zimbabwe- An Action Plan for Sustained Strong Economic Growth, Tunis, Tunisia African Development Bank Group, 2010, Zimbabwe Country Brief, Regional Department, South Region A, January 2010. Biti, T 2010 â€Å"2010 Budget Speech. Ministry of Finance (28 January) Castells, M., 1992 ‘Four Asian Tigers with a Dragon Head: A Comparative Analysis of State, Economy and Society in the Asian Pacific Rim.’ in Applebaum R, Henderson J (eds). State and Development in the Asian Pacific. Newbury Park: Sage Publications. Chang, H-J (1999) ‘The Economic Theory of the Developmental State’ in M. Woo-Cumings (ed.) The Developmental State New York: Cornell University. Downs, A., 1957, An economic theory of political action in a democracy. Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 65, No. 2, April 1957 Edigheji, O., 2005, A Democratic Developmental State in Africa? Centre for Policy Studies, Research Report No. 105, May 2005 Hurungo, J.T. 2010 Trade Policy Review: Zimbabwe. Stellenbosch: Tralac Medium Term Plan, 2010, Medium Term Plan January 2010- December 2015, July 6, Harare: Government Printers IH Securities, 2011, Zimbabwe Equity Strategy: Bullish macro story amidst potential turbulent waters, Equity Research, March 2, 2011. Johnson, C., 1982, MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925-1975. Stanford: Stanford University Press Leftwich, A., 1995, ‘Bringing Politics Back In: Towards a Model of the Developmental State’, Journal of Development Studies, vol. 31, no. 3. McIndoe, T., 2009, Hyperinflation in Zimbabwe: money demand, seignorage and Aid shocks. IIIS Discussion Paper No. 293, July 2009. Mkandawire, T., 2001, ‘Thinking About the Developmental States in Africa.’ Cambridge Journal of Economics, Pp 289- 314 Sachikonye, L. M. 2002 Whither Zimbabwe? Crisis and Democratization. Review of African Political Economy, No. 91, 13. P 13- 20. Roape Publications Limited. Todaro, P.T. Smith, C. S., 2010 Economic Development (10th edition), Boston: Pearson/ Addison Wesley Wade, R. 1990. Governing the Market. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990. Weiss, L. 2003 Guiding Globalization in East Asia: new roles for old developmental states. In Linda Weiss (Ed), States in the global economy: bringing domestic institutions back in. UK: Cambridge University Press Zulu, J.J., 2003, Leaning Against Economic Winds: Zambia’s Problems with HIPC, Lusaka: Jubilee- Zambia Debt Project

Old Chinatown of Los Angeles Essay examples -- Chinese China History E

Old Chinatown of Los Angeles Chinese first established their community in Los Angeles at today's El Pueblo Historical Monument. About two hundred settled by the year 1870. This number gradually increased over the years when the Southern Pacific began to construct a railroad from San Francisco in the 1870s. They were farm laborers, servants, road builders and small shopkeepers. Even with heavy discrimination during this time, Chinese held a dominant economic position in the Los Angeles laundry and produce industries for several years. Due to this old Chinatown explained its' boundaries eastward from the Plaza across from Alameda Street and grew to a population of over three thousand. The Chinese never owned major land or property but, were lessees, subleases or tenants. Laws were in place preventing them from becoming citizens and in turn property owners. The Chinese settled mostly on land owned by Juan Apablasa and controlled by his widow. This inability to own land would latter come back to haunt them. One of the most serious incidents of racial violence that has ever occurred in Los Angeles happened in October of 1871. Nineteen Chinese men and boys were murdered in a racial violence by a mob of five hundred locals. This riot was triggered when a fight broke out between two Chinese men over a Chinese girl. A Caucasian man was accidental slayed while caught in the crossfire. This was fueled by the growing movement of anti-Chinese discrimination in California, which would climax in the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. This would be known as the infamous Chinese Massacre. Old Chinatown's heyday was between the years of 1890-1910. It could count 15 or so streets and alleys, and perhaps 200 building units. I... ...arge of their needs and problems. The local property owners joined together to build a legal group, BID, to help them realize common goals for their properties and surrounding areas. BID, which stands for Business Improvement District, has goals that include creating a clean, safe and friendly environment, increasing visitors to the area and enhancing property values. This is to help secure their place as a huge tourism site in Los Angeles. Bibliography BID. http://www.chinatownla.com/bid_main.htm Chinese Americans in Los Angeles. http://www.camla.org/history.htm Chinatown Walking Tour. http://www.chinatownla.com/walkingtour.htm History of Old Chinatown Los Angeles. http://oldchinatownla.com/history.html 1871 Los Angeles Chinese Massacre: A Statement of Remembrance. http://www.camla.org/history/massacre.htm See, Lisa. On Gold Mountain. Old Chinatown of Los Angeles Essay examples -- Chinese China History E Old Chinatown of Los Angeles Chinese first established their community in Los Angeles at today's El Pueblo Historical Monument. About two hundred settled by the year 1870. This number gradually increased over the years when the Southern Pacific began to construct a railroad from San Francisco in the 1870s. They were farm laborers, servants, road builders and small shopkeepers. Even with heavy discrimination during this time, Chinese held a dominant economic position in the Los Angeles laundry and produce industries for several years. Due to this old Chinatown explained its' boundaries eastward from the Plaza across from Alameda Street and grew to a population of over three thousand. The Chinese never owned major land or property but, were lessees, subleases or tenants. Laws were in place preventing them from becoming citizens and in turn property owners. The Chinese settled mostly on land owned by Juan Apablasa and controlled by his widow. This inability to own land would latter come back to haunt them. One of the most serious incidents of racial violence that has ever occurred in Los Angeles happened in October of 1871. Nineteen Chinese men and boys were murdered in a racial violence by a mob of five hundred locals. This riot was triggered when a fight broke out between two Chinese men over a Chinese girl. A Caucasian man was accidental slayed while caught in the crossfire. This was fueled by the growing movement of anti-Chinese discrimination in California, which would climax in the passage of the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. This would be known as the infamous Chinese Massacre. Old Chinatown's heyday was between the years of 1890-1910. It could count 15 or so streets and alleys, and perhaps 200 building units. I... ...arge of their needs and problems. The local property owners joined together to build a legal group, BID, to help them realize common goals for their properties and surrounding areas. BID, which stands for Business Improvement District, has goals that include creating a clean, safe and friendly environment, increasing visitors to the area and enhancing property values. This is to help secure their place as a huge tourism site in Los Angeles. Bibliography BID. http://www.chinatownla.com/bid_main.htm Chinese Americans in Los Angeles. http://www.camla.org/history.htm Chinatown Walking Tour. http://www.chinatownla.com/walkingtour.htm History of Old Chinatown Los Angeles. http://oldchinatownla.com/history.html 1871 Los Angeles Chinese Massacre: A Statement of Remembrance. http://www.camla.org/history/massacre.htm See, Lisa. On Gold Mountain.

Effects of reality tv on teens Essay

Although reality TV is fascinating and full of drama, it still has an enormous effect on today’s youth. Throughout the years reality TV has become popular and it has attracted different age groups. But one group that reality TV attracts would be teens. Now I am not talking about all teens, but some teens do look at the actions of the television stars and think what they’re doing is â€Å"amazing†. When teenagers watch reality shows it opens their eyes to a lot of sex, vulgar language, and drugs. Allowing teens to be exposed to this much disapproval behavior is dangerous and can later bring problems later on in life. My best friend younger sister, who is fifteen, is starting to live the life of a reality star. She wakes up early for school, tired, from the previous night. She enjoys staying up all hours of the night just to be able to catch her favorite show, â€Å"The Bad Girls Club.† Wanting to be free, and doing whatever she feels like doing. Saying anyt hing she wants to whomever, going out partying with all her friends, open to try drugs (weed), ready to try and have sex. At a young age she wants to do everything like these â€Å"bad girls† do. Is it healthy? No, going out every weekend and partying is making her tired. All this â€Å"freedom† that she’s getting is making her not want to study for school. But watching these reality shows isn’t healthy for a fifteen year old. According to Mullings â€Å"The impact of heavy television viewing and the effects it has on young viewers has been a dominant topic since the 1960s. With the ever-changing landscape of television programming, reality television has become increasingly popular, especially among the pre-teen and teen audiences† (Mullings) Body: What exactly is reality TV? Well, according to LiveStrong â€Å"reality television consists of programs which purport to showcase people appearing as themselves in a variety of different contexts. Many reality programs revolve around competitions; others feature celebrities in their everyday lives.† For example â€Å"Jersey Shore† is about these Italian New Yorkers that only cares about partying and having sex. Another example would be â€Å"The T.I and Tiny Show† these two open their home to the public eye to see what they do and how the act on a daily basis. I am not saying that all reality shows  are horrible or not healthy for you, but some of the shows that they do play on television aren’t safe for young people eyes. Although there are pros and cons to watching reality TV, the pros seems to outweigh the cons. Teens that view shows like Teen Mom, Jersey Shore, or even Real World expect that maybe they can do the exact thing the reality star does. Beyond the reality shows teens, preferably girls, connects reality shows with social media. The teen girls go out partying, just like the reality stars, and spend majority of the night taking pictures of them and their friends. Just like in â€Å"Jersey Shore†, when Snooki and J-wow, goes out to a club it’s always about â€Å"selfies1† and when it is the right time to post the picture on social media. 1. Mullings, Natifia. â€Å"REALITY TELEVISION AND ITS EFFECT ON THE ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT OF INNER-CITY HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS .† (2012): n. page. Web. 8 Apr. 2014. . 2.

What Factors Propelled Many Countries to Implement Import Substitution Industrialisation

What factors propelled many countries to implement Import Substitution Industrialisation? To what extent did the strategy succeed in helping economies to boost growth rates and to overcome balance of payments constraints? According to Braer, ‘import substitution and industrialisation is an attempt by economically less developed countries to break out of the world division of labour. Braer 1972), This division of labour meant that the developing nations from Latin America, Africa and East Asia were mainly producers of foods and raw materials and felt they needed to enter into the world market through production of manufactured goods that were previously imported. The impetus for this was the need for growth in their respective economies. A second propelling factor for the implication of ISI in these developing nations is that the firms believed that they needed protection from the free market and their international competitors, while they were in the infant stages of development. If left unprotected firms in the developing nations would have found themselves vulnerable to the low prices of the powerful developed nations who looking to export goods into the developing nations. A further stimulus for country’s to implement an ISI policy on exports is the industrialisation that had already occurred in various developed nations. The developing nations set out to create a framework on domestic industry that would enable them to gain the technological expertise and infrastructure to enable them to become a permanent competitor in the world market and bridge the gap between themselves and the more developed nations. These developing nations were located mainly in 3 different areas of the world, Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and East Asia. Each engaging in ISI based strategies with a diverse range of methods, to varied success. Further symptoms these nations shared before they implemented ISI strategies are; wages being held down by surplus labour, which can usually be attributed to large population or lack of non-agricultural employment equating to poor distribution in the economy. Strong competition on exports was also a property of many of the countries needing ISI policies within their economies, in many cases the competition may have been with developed nations who were able to produce with low costs due to economies of scale and strong political power. Finally analysts derived from Engel curves the income elasticity of demand for agricultural products and raw materials declined as the incomes in the more developed nations reaches higher and higher levels, meaning that countries that were undeveloped and still saw agriculture and raw material production as there lead industries were doomed in terms of being able to experience growth on the back of production mainly to be exported to the north, as gradually over time the prices for their products would surely drop. Bruton 1998) There are many different examples for us to analyse the extent of the success that ISI policies brought to countries economies and their growth rates. Scholars have outlined many issues in implementing policies of ISI; these can be empirically referred to through the facts of what happened to countries in the earlier mentioned areas, Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America. The policies being the countries in the respective area were similar, differences lay in o ther areas of the ISI they implemented Nissanke 2001; One issue that stands out almost across all of the area’s are the problems that arose from implementing ISI to encourage heavy development in industry, through offering supportive policy and cheap finance for manufacturing firms looking to grow within their respective nations. This large transfer of labour between primary and secondary sectors through heavy taxation of agricultural firms, left the traditional primary product export sector was damaged. Also a few of the countries made mistakes in the way in which they injected their capital into the economy in order to stimulate growth. In Latin America for example where the governments created banks that were used to give out funds to firms looking to enter into manufacture but are unable to gain capital in order to set up elsewhere, however in the case of countries like Brazil and Mexico issue’s arose with their ISI policies, the south American developing nations found themselves lacking in strategy and infrastructure. The reason they were found lacking is explained by scholars to be down to the policies implemented under ISI, with them making the industry in their countries have lots of small firms unable to make up efficiency and reduce costs compared to international competition with larger firms able to experience economies of scale. The opposite happened in countries like Korea and China, where firms were given more government input and large corporations where encouraged, to allow firms to gain the reviously mentioned economies of scale. In contrast to their European counterparts in the car market who were always looking to increase their exports and consult with competitors both inside and outside their nation in order to reduce production costs and increase efficiency, the closed off nature of the ISI policies that there governments had imposed, car firms were found to be lacking in efficiency of production, management, and human capital. All of this meant that instead of developing in order to compete internationally through reducing imports to increase internal growth, south American firms found themselves unable to compete on price with the world car market, and getting further behind as time went by in terms of efficiency. (Baranson 1969) Tariffs and non-tariff barriers were used by developing nations to help develop their industries and remove problems with their balance of payments caused by intense competition from external more developed economies. However scholars have commented that instead of the desired internationally competitive markets in industry and other secondary markets, Economies showed similar attributes, these attributes can be described as ISI syndrome, the first feature of this model being a heavy reliance by firms on the central planning agency (the government) to make strategic decisions and also for finance. This can partly be attributed to the idea that much of the technology used in developing nations to produce is learnt from firms who operate out of more developed nations (such as the US or the UK). The policies to discourage foreign direct investment from these nations also stopped this source of learning of technology and also strategy, production methods and management skills. Economists have noted that the effects of this lack of knowledge grew exponentially as the developed nations grew more and more productive, the non developed nations now lacking in FDI from productive firms lagged further behind, making price competition and growth through exports a very difficult task. Exchange rates also caused problems in countries that had implemented ISI, with the conditions following ISI policies being ones of overvalued exchange rates, which then led to unemployment and underutilizations of the nfrastructure of their economies. The lack of employment stumping the growth rates of the economy, as this can only be maximised by utilising the nation’s entire work for to as much extent as physically possible. To conclude, in recent years (the last 15) economic policy and literature has been mostly based on outward oriented approach when looking at how a nations should go about developing at a strong growth rate with as little issues with balance of payments a nd efficiency. This is due to the many advantages of encouraging FDI economies can benefit from. Such as technological skills, management skills, and business strategy knowledge that filter out into other firms operating in the nation hosting the FDI. This leaking of knowledge appears to be lacking in the examples talked about above, as the resulting ‘ISI syndrome’ they experienced showed a lack of these mentioned assets in the firms of Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa. Also we can suggest that the extent to which ISI implementation was successful in these countries may have been reduced due to the government official’s abilities who actually put in place the specific tariffs, policies and funding required. It is suggested that many government officials at the time where remnants of previous regimes and sometimes ignored the specific advice of the forward thinking development advisors. This made policy and tariff instruments specific clauses sometimes random causing issues and failures in the market.

Napoleons Height Revealed

Napoleons Height Revealed Napoleon Bonaparte is chiefly remembered for two things in the English-speaking world: being a conqueror of no small ability and for being short. He still inspires devotion and hatred for winning a series of titanic battles, expanding an empire across much of Europe, and then destroying it all as a result of a failed invasion of Russia. He continued the reforms of the French Revolution (arguably not in the spirit of the revolution) and established a model which remains in some countries to this day. But for better or worse, the most famous thing most people believe about him is still that he was short. Was Napoleon Really Unusually Short? It turns out that Napoleon wasnt particularly short at all. Napoleon is sometimes described as being 5 foot 2 inches tall, which would definitely make him short for his era. However, there is a strong argument that this figure is wrong and that Napoleon was actually 5 foot 7 inches tall, no shorter than the average Frenchman.   Napoleons height has been the subject of many psychological profiles. He’s sometimes cited as the chief example of short man syndrome, whereby short men act more aggressively than their larger counterparts to make up for their lack of height. Certainly, there are few people more aggressive than a man who defeated his rivals time after time across almost an entire continent and only stopped when dragged to a very small, far away island. But if Napoleon was of average height, the easy psychology doesnt work for him. English or French Measurements? Why is there such a discrepancy in historic descriptions of Napoleons height? As he was one of the most famous men of his era, it would seem reasonable to assume that his contemporaries knew how tall he was. But the problem may have been due to a difference in measurements between the English and French-speaking worlds. The French inch was actually longer than the British inch, leading to any height sounding shorter to the English speaking world. In 1802 a doctor called Corvisart said Napoleon was 5 foot 2 inches by the French measurement, which equates to about 5 foot 6 in British. Intriguingly, in the same statement, Corvisart said that Napoleon was of short stature, so it may be that people already assumed Napoleon was small by 1802, or that people assumed the average Frenchmen was much taller. The Autopsy Matters are confused by the autopsy, which was carried out by Napoleon’s doctor, Frenchman Francesco Antommarchi, who gave 5 foot 2 as his height. But was the autopsy, which was signed off by a number of British doctors and in a British owned area, in British or French measures? We don’t know for sure, with some people adamant the height was in British units and others French. When other sources are factored in, including another measurement after the autopsy in British measurements, people generally conclude with the height of 5 foot 5-7 inches British, or 5 foot 2 in French, but there is still some doubt. Le Petit Caporal and Larger Bodyguards If Napoleons lack of height is a myth, it may have been perpetuated by Napoleon’s army, because the emperor was often surrounded by much larger bodyguards and soldiers, giving the impression of him being smaller. This was especially true of the Imperial Guard units which had height requirements, leading to them all being taller than him. Napoleon was even named the le petit caporal,  often translated as little corporal, even though it was a term of affection rather than a description of his height, further leading to people assuming he was short. The idea was certainly perpetuated by the propaganda of his enemies, who portrayed him as short as a way of attacking and undermining him.

Islamic Civil War - Battle of Siffin

Islamic Civil War - Battle of Siffin Introduction Conflict: The Battle of Siffin was part of the First Fitna (Islamic Civil War) which lasted from 656–661.   The First Fitna was a civil war in the early Islamic State caused by the murder of Caliph Uthman ibn Affan in 656 by Egyptian rebels.             Dates: Beginning on July 26, 657, the Battle of Siffin lasted three days, ending on the 28th. Commanders Armies: Forces of Muawiyah I Muawiyah IAmr ibn al-Aasapproximately 120,000 men Forces of Ali ibn Abi Talib Ali ibn Abi TalibMalik ibn Ashterapproximately 90,000 men Battle of Siffin - Background: Following the murder of Caliph Uthman ibn Affan, the caliphate of the Muslim Empire passed to the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, Ali ibn Abi Talib. Shortly after ascending to the caliphate, Ali commenced consolidating his hold over the empire. Among those who opposed him was the governor of Syria, Muawiyah I. A kinsman of the slain Uthman, Muawiyah refused to acknowledge Ali as caliph due his inability to bring the murders to justice. In an attempt to avoid bloodshed, Ali sent an envoy, Jarir, to Syria to seek a peaceful solution. Jarir reported that Muawiyah would submit when the murderers were caught. Battle of Siffin - Muawiyah Seeks Justice: With the blood-stained shirt of Uthman hanging in the Damascus mosque, Muawiyahs large army marched out to meet Ali, pledging not to sleep at home until the murderers were found.   After first planning to invade Syria from the north Ali instead elected to move directly across the Mesopotamian desert.   Crossing the Euphrates River at Riqqa, his army moved along its banks into Syria and first spotted his opponents army near the plain of Siffin. After a small battle over Alis right to take water from the river, the two sides pursued a final attempt at negotiation as both wished to avoid a major engagement. After 110 days of talks, they were still at an impasse. On July 26, 657, with the talks over, Ali and his general, Malik ibn Ashter, began a massive attack on Muawiyahs lines. Battle of Siffin - A Bloody Stalemate: Ali personally led his Medinan troops, while Muawiyah watched from a pavilion, preferring to let his general Amr ibn al-Aas, direct the battle. At one point, Amr ibn al-Aas shattered part of the enemy line and nearly broke through far enough to kill Ali. This was countered by a massive attack, led by Malik ibn Ashter, which nearly forced Muawiyah to flee the field and badly reduced his personal bodyguard. The fighting continued for three days with neither side gaining an advantage, though Alis forces were inflicting a larger number of casualties. Concerned that he might lose, Muawiyah offered to settle their differences through arbitration. Battle of Siffin - Aftermath: The three days of fighting had cost Muawiyahs army approximately 45,000 casualties to 25,000 for Ali ibn Abi Talib. On the battlefield, the arbitrators decided that both leaders were equals and the two sides withdrew to Damascus and Kufa. When the arbitrators met again in February 658, no resolution was achieved. In 661, following the assassination of Ali, Muawiyah ascended to the caliphate, reuniting the Muslim Empire.   Crowned in Jerusalem, Muawiyah established the Umayyad caliphate, and began working to expand the state.   Successful in these endeavors, he reigned until his death in 680.

Nutrition Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Nutrition - Research Paper Example It mainly consists of proteins, fats, water, carbohydrates as well as macro minerals (Instah, 2010). This topic will cover the importance of proper nutrition for children. Nutrition is vital for child’s development. It can also ward off many diseases and health related problems like obesity, weak bones, and diabetes. It also helps in development of children’s brain which is important for them as they are constantly learning new things during this period. The five nutrients mentioned below are most crucial for child health and body: Fiber: It is needed for healthy growth and proper nutrition. Fiber helps in dealing with the problem of constipation. Foods like legumes, vegetables and wheat are rich in fiber (Harvard School of Public Health, 2010). Antioxidant nutrients: It includes vitamin C, E, mineral selenium and beta-carotene. It helps in improving the child’s immune system. These nutrients are found in foods like tomatoes, cherries, carrots and spinach (Swanson, 1999). Calcium: It is one of the richest minerals found in body and is responsible for the growth of bones. It was found that children between four to eight years need 800 milligrams of calcium per day (Palo Alto Medical Foundation, 2010). Protein: It is another important nutrient for child body. It is present in every tissue of the body. Four to eight year old children need 19 milligrams of protein daily to meet the requirements of protein. It is also important during infancy (Lifeclinic, 2010). Iron: As iron helps in development of brain and its function, it is considered as one of the main nutrients in child’s diet. Deficiency of iron can lead to anemia which results in severe weakness. Foods like meat, seafood, chicken and spinach are rich in iron (Chillemi, 2005). Poor nutrition can result in health problems ranging from small health issues to fatal diseases. The main